Latest News and Events

BCRP Monthly Informational Meeting, November 25 Featured

Join BCRP and our guest speaker Deputy Junior Tucker, Livestock Investigator.

Junior has worked for the Bastrop County Sheriff’s Office for 14 years. He is responsible for the investigation of livestock theft, animal cruelty, and the Bastrop Estray Program

Monday, November 25. 
Doors open at 6pm
Program starts at 6:30pm
Bastrop County Republican Party Office
443 Highway 71 West, Bastrop
(next to Harbor Freight)

2024 General Election Voter Guide Featured

The Bastrop County Republican Party (BCRP) and Lost Pines Republican Women (LPRW) joined together to generate a 2024 Voter Guide  for early voting and on Election Day November 5th, 2024.  Available in English and Spanish.

 

Remember cellphones and other digital devices are not permitted inside the polling place, but you can take the red boxed tear off section of candidates on the last page of the Voter Guide as your helpful notes.

Washington’s Distillery, by Dianna Greenwood

Washington’s Distillery, by Dianna Greenwood

In the late 1790s, prior to his death, George Washington was trying to reduce his land holdings and simplify his operations when his farm manager, a Scotsman named James Anderson, introduced him to distilling and the potential income that it could produce for the farm. The irony with this choice was that Washington had no previous experience in the process and utilized his farm manager’s experience to open a successful distillery.

Alcohol was widely consumed in Colonial America and, subsequently, the new nation because of the potential for diseases in freshwater. It was also widely used in social situations, medicinally, and trade or commerce, especially in remote areas of the new country. The Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 is an example of how alcohol was used for trade and commerce because of the rugged landscape, which made shipment of grains difficult and expensive.

Washington was hesitant at first to pursue another business venture due to his age, but Anderson persuaded him that it would be profitable due to the abundant crops and gristmill that Washington owned. Washington planted rye as a cover crop to keep his soil healthy for future crop plantings. In addition, unlike other large plantations such as Monticello, Mt. Vernon had a steady water supply. Anderson had extensive experience in distilling from his previous employments in Scotland and other parts of Virginia.

After corresponding with a friend and listening to Anderson’s pitch, Washington entered the Whiskey business in 1797. During the first winter, two stills were used to produce whiskey, which totaled about 616 gallons. However, by 1798, Washington built a malthouse near the gristmill. It installed five copper stills, boilers, and tubs to increase production, and a system of wooden troughs was installed to transport water from the nearby creek into the distillery. The malt house was the largest distillery in the country, measuring 75 by 30 feet, and all five stills operated year-round. This was in contrast to the average distillery, which was 20×40 feet with only two stills maximum operating for a few months out of the year.

Washington’s distillery operation was highly successful during his time. It produced nearly 11,000 gallons of whiskey in 1799, most of which was common whiskey, which was packaged and sold immediately to local merchants. He did have smaller batches of whiskey that were either distilled multiple times or flavored. Most of his whiskey was made of distilled rye, but when that was not in abundance, sometimes wheat was used.

In those days, whiskey was not aged as it is now; instead, it was placed in uncharred barrels and sold to neighbors and merchants in Alexandria. This enabled Washington to make money immediately rather than wait for the whiskey to age several years and then reap a profit. His best customer was also a close friend, George Gilpin, but other merchants, farmers, and the people who worked at Mt. Vernon would purchase the whiskey. In those days, whiskey cost around 50 cents a gallon unless the higher-quality version was approximately $1.00 per gallon. In 1799, Washington made approximately $7600.00. In 1798, Washington paid $332 in taxes on his distillery production.

Washington’s distillery continued to produce whiskey products after his death in 1799. It passed to his nephew, Lawrence Lewis, who continued the business until a fire destroyed it in 1814. The buildings were abandoned, and the entire operation would have been forgotten had it not been for Washington himself. He wrote about his operations in letters to others and we do have his ledgers to inform us of the financial aspect of running a distillery. To learn more about this and other business ventures of General George Washington please visit www.mountvernon.org. While there you will find out an abundance of information about the people[i] who worked at the distillery and on Washington’s plantations as well as learn about the man himself. He is a fascinating individual who without a doubt earned the title of First Citizen.

[i] Both free and enslaved people worked at the distillery, and it shatters the myth that all slaves worked in either the house or the fields. Many learned valuable trades that were passed down to their descendants.

Issue #2 of the Legislative Review: Doug Kelsay and Curtis Courtney

Issue #2 of the Legislative Review: Doug Kelsay and Curtis Courtney

THE CLOCK'S A TICKIN!

By Doug Kelsay, - Precinct Chair for Precinct 2014 & Curtis Courtney - BCRP Chairman

In our last article we described, how on Saturday, December 7, 2025 Representative David Cook was selected as the Republican Caucus nominee and that the Caucus rules state that all Republicans should support the caucus nominee.

As the Texas House opened for business on Tuesday, January 14, 2025, selecting the Speaker was the first (and only) work to be addressed.

David Cook received 55 votes (Rep 52, Dem 3) and Dustin Burrows received 85 votes (49 Dem and 36 Rep) to win the Speaker of the House race. It was clear that not all of the 88 Republican representatives were following the Caucus agreement. It is also evident that almost all of the Democrat representatives favored Dustin Burrow. District 17 House Representative Stan Gerdes voted for Dustin Burrows for Speaker.

No other business was conducted the rest of that day as well as for the rest of the week.

Without previously having addressed any legislative priorities, the house convened on Thursday, January 23, 2025 to review house rules. HR4 (House Rules) was delivered at 4am to the representative’s offices which contained 213 pages.

Some of the key changes included in the Rules package were:

  • vice chairmanship of all committee to Democrats;
  • the (Republican) chairman must ensure that Democrat vice chairman can promptly schedule any matter he or she pleases;
  • the (Republican) chairman must ensure designated witnesses, selected by the Democrat vice chair, are invited to testify at hearings;
  • provide a budget for those vice-chairmen of some $4000 per month;
  • create 12 new Permanent Standing Subcommittees;
  • allow those Permanent Standing Subcommittees to be chaired by Democrats;
  • allows the Speaker to refer bills to those Permanent Standing Subcommittees;
  • allows bills to be killed by those Permanent Standing Subcommittees.

It is easy to see how these Rules would empower Democrats to thwart the Republican agenda.

When the house convened, that day, 21 amendments were offered but Representative Jared Patterson (R-106) “called the question” a procedural maneuver that means there would be no debate nor amendments considered and the original proposal would go straight to a vote. A motion to call the question must have 25 seconds. Representative Stan Gerdes was one of the 25 who voted to second the motion.

Tom Glass commented in a recent newsletter that “Because such a motion denies voices speaking for the voters and because it negates the very essence of representative democracy, it is called the “nuclear option”. One indicator of this as a raw power move was that 47 Republicans and 42 Democrats were given enough advance notice of the motion to be able to sign on to the motion which requires a minimum of 25 to be introduced. Yet the 34 Republican grassroots members who voted against the suppression were blindsided by the move. They had spent their morning scrambling to craft amendments to the package. I saw the grassroots members hustling to confer with each other that morning, but there was strangely very little visible action by the group made up of republicans and democrats”.

Texas Scorecard reported that the new rules maintain and expand “a power-sharing arrangement between Republicans and Democrats, granting Democrat vice-chairs significant authority and introducing pathways for Democrat control of new standing subcommittees. While Republicans would only be eligible to serve as chairs, all vice-chairs would be required to be Democrats.”

On Monday, January 27, 2025, Speaker Burrows announced that they would not vote Housekeeping Resolution (HR3-36 pages) that details the speaker’s responsibilities, powers of the House Administrative committee, employment policies, accounting, caucuses and work place conduct. Instead, Speaker Burrows said they would change the office budgets without a vote.

On Tuesday, January 28, 2025, Speaker Burrows blocked discussion on several pre-filed amendments. Among the amendments prevented from reaching the floor were proposals to:

  • Require that all House employees be US citizens,
  • Restrict restroom access in the House chamber based on biological sex,
  • Prohibit staff from enforcing the use of “preferred pronouns,”
  • Reduce office budgets if the House does not deliver at least $12 billion in property tax relief this session,
  • Ban alcohol in any House offices, including the Speaker’s office,
  • Mandate the display of the Ten Commandments in the House Chamber.

On Wednesday, January 29, 2025, the house met and adjourned to February 4, 2025. It should be noted that other than “No Democrat Committee chairs”, no substantive legislative priorities have yet been addressed – a full three weeks into a 140 day session!

We are very excited to report, however, that the Texas House was able to meet on Tuesday, February 4, 2025 to pass a Resolution congratulating singer ‘Beyonce’ on her Grammy Awards. It’s comforting to know that the important work that the people of Texas demand is being thoroughly addressed. Or maybe not. 

As of February 4, 2025, there are 119 days left in this session of the Texas Congress.

The clock’s a tickin’.

Can Federal Law be Nullified by the States? By Dianna Greenwood

Can Federal Law be Nullified by the States? By Dianna Greenwood

Nullification, often linked to states’ rights by those wary of federal overreach, has been the subject of heated debates for over two centuries. These discussions, with their rich history and complex implications, are likely to persist. However, it is important to note that nullification of federal laws under the U.S. Constitution is strictly prohibited under Article VI Section 2:

This  Constitution, and the Law of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

The popularity of nullification has increased and decreased depending on the political climate. This is because people believe that the national government has abandoned the idea of protecting natural rights, which are inherent to all individuals, and replaced it with protecting the government’s power. If you understand the original concept of the federal government, in which a limited government was split between the national and state levels, then you would also understand why the Founders were intent on this form of government.

What onerous things does the federal government do that we would consider an overreach? Health care, environmental issues, and overregulation are among those items that many Americans consider an overreach of the national government. The national government entering issues it was never intended to solve gives a perception of the government picking winners or “groups” over the individual. So, how do we solve these problems? Do we nullify laws or secede?

People continue to have this debate, which is a vibrant one because they are seeing the same phenomenon across all issues – a tendency and inclination to expand the powers of the government. People want a restraint on the government but do not seem to have an outlet to express this view because we view all three branches as colluding. What happens is that we do not, as Americans, promote lawlessness, and we are not yet at the point of revolution like our Founders were, so the populace turns to the states and nullification. These are great conversations, but nullification is unconstitutional as there is no right in the U.S. Constitution for states or individuals to nullify federal law. The debate over nullification was particularly heated during the time of the Alien and Sedition Act, a controversial law that criminalized criticism of the government and was seen as a clear overreach of federal power.

However, this does not mean that resistance is futile. The judicial system and the election of representatives who align with the will of the people and the states are viable alternatives. It’s important to remember that we didn’t secede from Great Britain; we fought a revolution based on natural rights and a long train of abuse and usurpations.  Revolution should be the last resort, not the first, as it cannot be for light and transient reasons, unlike the Civil War, where secession happened over a single issue – slavery.

Historically speaking, both Jefferson and Madison addressed the issue of nullification through the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. Unlike the Kentucky Resolution, which took a radical approach, the Virginia Resolution used the idea that a plurality of states needed to show the unjustness of a law when determining that a law should not be followed. Both resolutions were written in direct opposition to the Alien and Sedition Act, which was blatantly unconstitutional.

Fast forward to the march to the Civil War, Jefferson Davis disavowed nullification, deeming it unconstitutional, even though he argued in favor of secession, which was also unconstitutional because secession is usually based on the premise of a light and transient cause versus a long train of usurpation and trampling of natural rights. In other words, you cannot stomp your feet, take your toys home, and say you do not like something and will not follow it.

One of the reasons why nullification and secession took hold in the country during the years leading up to the Civil War is because of Senator John Calhoun and his speaking ability where he established a new basis for the founding of our country by rejecting the Federalist papers and Publius’s argument of an energetic but limited government. He disagreed with the idea that the government was established to protect natural rights and that no state is sacred. He also separates the Declaration from the Constitution and says the Constitution is a standalone document. This is an incorrect interpretation because you cannot have the Constitution without the Declaration. Calhoun believes there is a constitutional right to nullify and secede only because he interpreted the Constitution as a standalone document and a compact between the states. This is again incorrect because the Constitution is a compact between the people of the states and not the state governments. We know this because the preamble of the Constitution states, “We the people,” not “We the states of the United States.”

Calhoun makes his argument because of the Missouri Compact, a compact between the states. Northerners are saying that Congress has the right to make laws outlawing slavery. However, Southerners cite the Northwest Ordinance (ironically written by a slaveholder, Thomas Jefferson), stating that while it may allow Congress to legislate in the Northwest Terrority (as it was then known), it was only done by a compact of the states. It was not an actual act of the National government. So, while this instance goes directly to the concept of slavery, one could make the same argument today on a different issue and say a law originating in a way that it should under the Constitution is wrong because we disagree with it, and therefore, we can nullify it.

So, where does this argument come from? Does it come when there is a belief that all three branches have conspired to ignore the will of the people, like what happened with the Alien and Sedition Act, or when sections disagree on an issue such as slavery and what recourse do the people have when their rights are tramped on? The view is that there is no recourse through the Judiciary because if all three branches have conspired, then the Supreme Court cannot be the final arbitrator of the Constitution. However, this is where people are wrong because the Supreme Court is not the final arbitrator of the Constitution, but it does play a crucial role in interpreting and upholding the Constitution, which is the ultimate law of the land.

Where does that leave the people? If they feel that the Judiciary is not an option, then elections are the next option. Hamilton suggests in Federalist 1 that it is up to people to reflect and choose. He states:

It has been frequently remarked, that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country to decide, by their conduct and example, the important question, whether societies of men are capable or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or are they forever destined to depend, for their political constitutions, on accident and force.

The people’s remedy to unjust laws is elections, a process that has proven successful time and again. We saw this during the healthcare debates in 2010 and, most recently, in response to the overreach of the Biden administration. Each time, the people, through the election process, restored balance to all three branches, giving us hope that our voices will be heard.

Therefore, it is our responsibility, as citizens who want a government that truly represents us, to keep a check on government overreach. It is not through nullification or secession (unless there is a long train of abuses and usurpations) it is through the judiciary. If they cannot be trusted, it is through the election process. Our Founders entrusted us with the power to reclaim our country, and we have exercised this power countless times. It seems we did so as recently as the 2024 election, and if necessary, we can do it again in two years.

The Legislative Review -ARTICLE 1, by Curtis Courtney and Doug Kelsay

The Legislative Review -ARTICLE 1, by Curtis Courtney and Doug Kelsay

Since the days of Noah (or at least just after the Civil War), Texas was run by Democrats.  Abraham Lincoln was the first Republican president and thus the states of the south consistently selected Democrat representatives and executive leaders. Texas was part of the “Solid South”, a Democrat stronghold. That changed starting in the early 1990’s and was evident in the mid 1990’s when George Bush was elected Republican Governor. The Texas House and Senate both transitioned to a majority Republican in the 78th Congressional session in 2003. By the early 2010’s Texas was solidly Republican. Many politicians that had long ran as Democrats transitioned to running as Republicans. Some were truly conservative and aligned with Republican values but many simply found it expedient to change color of their coat to maintain power.

During this transition House Speakers, starting most notably with Speaker Straus, appointed Democrats as chairs of Committees. But as Republicans grew in numbers and power, subsequent speakers did not diminish the number of Democrat chairs. This caused a rift between the Republican voters and their elected legislators.

Q: What defines a Republican versus a Democrat? A: Their Party Platform and the resulting Legislative Priorities.

Things came to a head when the speaker of the 88th TX House, Dade Phelan, not only appointed Democrat chairs but actively fought legislative priorities of the Republican Party of Texas (RPT), Governor Abbott and Lt. Gov Patrick. He also led a Democrat inspired “lawfare” campaign against Attorney General Ken Paxton which included sneaky moves in changing the impeachment rules at the start at the 88th Session. The 88th Legislature was called back not once, not twice, but an unprecedented third time to work the key priorities of the Governor. Under Speaker Phelan and his Democrat chairs, they successfully avoided addressing these priorities. As a result, the average Republican voter became livid and outraged because nothing important was getting done.

This long history lead delegates of the RPT State convention to change RPT rules so they could be used to force the Republican house members to support the Legislative Priorities. The rules were changed to allow censure which is the threat of not allowing a representative to run as a Republican.

In order for the 89th Legislature to implement the Legislative Priorities, the House Republicans, wishing to exert their majority and the desire to align with the Legislative Priorities, held a caucus on December 7, 2024 to select a speaker who would not appoint Democrat chairs. Of the 88 Republican house members that were there to start the Caucus, 26 elected Republicans, including Stan Gerdes, walked out of that Caucus meeting before it was concluded and a Speaker selected.

The Bastrop County Republican Party (BCRP) held a meeting on December 21, 2024 to discuss the actions of our Representative, Stan Gerdes, who was one of the 26 elected representatives who walked out on the Republican Caucus. The BCRP examined the options open to them. A committee was directed to articulate our response to his actions. The BCRP reconvened on December 30, 2024 and approved the response which came in the form of a resolution condemning his actions and reminded him of his obligation as a Republican Representative. To read the full resoluiton, click here 

Our next article will be the results of the first day of the 89th Legislature which occurred on January 14, 2025.

Written by: Doug Kelsay and Curtis Courtney

Federalist 51 by Dianna Greenwood

Federalist 51 by Dianna Greenwood

Can one branch of government claim authoritative legitimacy over another branch of government?

Publius (James Madison) tackles this question in Federalist 51 by outlining how government is divided to avoid the scenario of one branch of government claiming absolute authority over another branch of government. Federalist 51 also extended Federalist 10, which spoke of factions. Here, Publius expands many aspects of his arguments in Federal 10, which focused on extended factions, and he goes back to that argument while also informing the reader on how the distinct powers of each branch prevent another branch from claiming authoritative legitimacy over another branch.

Publius firmly establishes at the beginning of the piece that to maintain a partition of government; it is important that “the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government, as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places.”[1] Our Constitution does this in several ways, such as allowing an executive to veto legislation and appointing a lifetime position to the Supreme Court. Additionally, the Constitution lays out a series of steps for the election of the President and members of Congress. The President is elected every four years, while Representatives are elected at two-year intervals and Senators 6 six-year intervals, with The Senate, divided into thirds so that one-third of the Senators are up for election every two years. By making the Supreme Court a lifetime appointment, a justice is not continuously beholden to the President who appointed him. Finally, in order for the appointment to be final, the Senate must consent to it.

Publius continues his argument by noting that because of its specific requirements, the judicial branch’s selection of judges by the people would be impractical; therefore, we may not get the best-qualified judges if it were up to the voters. Since the appointment to the judiciary is permanent and would exceed the term of the executive branch appointing them, dependency on the executive branch is destroyed.

However, it is not only through staggered elections or permanent appointments that each branch would stay independent but also through the specific jobs they must perform, which are then checked by other branches. Here, Publius issues his famous quotes: “Ambition must be made to counteract ambition” and “If men were angels, no government would be necessary.” This means that each branch must check itself and be checked by the other branches because human nature is such that abuses would arise if no checks were in place. For example, the House originates legislation, and the Senate then carefully deliberates on each piece of legislation and then sends it back to the House or lets it die. Once all the differences are worked out, the legislation goes to the President, who either signs into law or vetoes. If the President vetoes the legislation, Congress has a certain number of days to override the veto. Finally, the people can oppose the legislation through the courts, which would review it and determine if it is constitutional or not. Now the court could strike down a law, which doesn’t necessarily mean that the executive is forced to listen to them because it is a separate branch. However, tradition has necessitated that the executive adheres to the judicial decision.[2]  That being said, it does not mean that the Supreme Court is the final authority because Congress can go back and revise the law, pass it, and send it to the President again in a different format.

There is yet another avenue available to the people to check the national government: our compound republic, which is divided into two main governments (national and state), with one being divided even further. The state governments are also elected by the people and not appointed by the national government. Furthermore, within the states, there is a further division of government at the county and local levels, which have their own distinct functions. Each has a check on the other level and the national government. The state generally checks on our national government by using the court system or the compact provision of the Constitution. These are small but significant steps the Founders worked into our national government to slow down and control the potential abuse of government.

Publius touches on factions again, but I will not go into further discussion on this subject other than to highlight religion in America and why we do not have a state-sponsored religion. Here, Publius makes his firmest argument for factions in an expanded republic because of the many different religious sects in the United States – even in 1787. The national government’s authority is “derived from, and dependent on the society, the society itself will be broken into so many parts, interests, and classes of citizens, that the rights of individuals, or the minority, will be in little danger from the interested combinations of the majority.” Therefore, religious freedom prevails because of the expansion of the republic, the variety of religious sects, and the differences within those sects across the country. This litmus test can be applied to many other factions or specific interests a government would undertake. Because of the divisions of government, the divisions within each branch make it difficult for the majority to oppress the minority. This does not mean that it has not been attempted, but that different branches of government can tamp it down.

Publius ends the paper by noting, “Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society,” all means of obtaining it have been instilled in the Constitution as best as possible to ensure fairness for the people of the United States. He ended the paper with the example of Rhode Island being an independent country and a limited sphere, highlighting the ability of a majority to take over and oppress the minority. However, this is less likely to happen with the expanded sphere of the United States and its division of government under the newly created Constitution. The larger sphere and division of government are more practical in ensuring the liberties of its citizens.

 

[1] Hamilton, Alexander, John Jay, James Madison, George W Carey, and James Mcclellan. 2001. The Federalist: The Gideon Edition. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund. Pg 267

 

[2] “Executive Enforcement of Judicial Orders | Federal Judicial Center.” Fjc.gov, 2020, www.fjc.gov/history/administration/executive-enforcement-judicial-orders.

Extension of the Sphere, by Contributing Writer Dianna Greenwood

Extension of the Sphere, by Contributing Writer Dianna Greenwood

Why does the Constitution promote the extension of the sphere of influence and is this good for the country and for free people? It is a question worth asking in this day and age when so many of our young people are being influenced by Marxist and socialists who deem our form of government as reprehensible. A government that by its very definition is racist towards the less fortunate and minorities. I contend it is not because through its creation we have been able to avoid those sorts of governments which suppress freedom and cause more harm to the human condition.

 Extending the sphere of influence in government is the real innovation of the American Constitution because it encourages growth in land mass and population of the country. It suppresses the influence of factions to cause disunity and eventual failure of the government. Finally, it allows liberty to be preserved for the betterment of the union and humanity.

An extended sphere is where a country is spread over a large area with a large number of people. Hamilton stated that it is “the consolidation of several smaller member states into a one great confederacy.[1]While he noted Montesquieu’s idea for a small extended sphere is in proportion to its dimensions, Hamilton said that it doesn’t work in America because of the size of the states in terms of area. Were we to follow Montesquieu’s recommendations, we really would be no better off than we were under Great Britain’s rule because monarchies could form, or we would be split into several small commonwealths that form rivalries with each other. Therefore, the idea of extending the sphere is to amass land and more people to reduce those jealousies that manifest themselves into factions. If we don’t, then powerful factions can form which would be detrimental to the preservation of the union.

Extending the sphere is a way to suppress factions from producing “instability, injustice, and confusion[2] which can lead us down the road to disunion and tyranny. Factions in a small republic “whether amounting to a majority or a minority[3]can be adverse not only to people’s rights but also to the community because they are motivated by their passion for a single interest regardless of whether or not it is good for the community. Since people have different interests and opinions, the strength of factions is reduced when the number of individuals in a country increases. As such when the sphere is extended, by population, it becomes less likely a strong faction will form. In addition, when the populations are spread out over a large area, the people will naturally form different interests, even if they perform the same type of job. For example, a farmer in New England raising cranberries is not going to have precisely the same concerns or interests that a farmer in Georgia raising cotton is likely to have. In this example both individuals have a general farming interests, but the interests are vastly different making it harder for a large cohesive faction to form and suppress the interest of non-farmers in the union.

In addition to removing majority or minority factions which oppress the interest and/or rights of the community; extending the sphere forces the government to grow from a direct democracy to a representative government. If we are spread out over a larger area it makes it hard for everyone to directly participate in government. Not only does this prevent majority factions from forming but, as Madison notes in Federalist Paper 51, “by comprehending in a society so many separate disruptions of citizens, as will render an unjust combination of a majority of the whole improbably if not impractical,” prevents heredity or self-appointed rule. Therefore, the extended sphere lessens the opportunity for tyranny by breaking up majority factions into diverse factions spread over a large area.

Good government is ensured with representatives rather than direct democracy, where the self-appointed ruler can rise out of mob rule. Liberty is preserved because a majority or minority faction is not suppressing the rights or interest of the community because the community is now composed of a large number of people over large areas. Finally, the union is preserved because liberty has been preserved through the prevention of large factions by the extension of the sphere through land acquisition and population growth.

[1] Federalist Paper #9, Gideon Edition, pg. 30 Paragraph 1

[2] Federalist Paper #10, Gideon Edition, pg. 42 Paragraph 1

[3] Federalist Paper #10, Gideon Edition, Pg 43 Paragraph 1

BCRP Monthly Informational Meeting

BCRP Monthly Informational Meeting

Join BCRP for our Monthly Informational Meeting
with special Guest Speaker Jeff DeCoux, Chairman of Autonomy Institute. Mr. DeCoux will be discussing the community benefits of autonomy. 

Monday, February 24, 2025
at the BCRP Office 
443 Highway 71 West (next to Harbor Freight), Bastrop
Doors open at 6 pm, meeting begins at 6:30 pm

 

Jeff DeCoux is Founder and CEO of ATRIUS Industries and Chairman of Autonomy Institute. He leads a consortium of over 300 industry, government, and academic organizations. His role is pivotal in developing leadership and fostering collaboration in the field of intelligent infrastructure and autonomous systems. He established Urbanautics, the study and practice of designing and operating massively connected autonomous and intelligent systems in the urban environment for the public good. The core focus is accelerating the “Path to Commerce” for Intelligent Infrastructure Economic Zones. Autonomy Institute collaborates with large infrastructure investors on the creation of $100+ million Private Public Partnership programs.

Autonomy Institute

Autonomy Institute is a cooperative research consortium focused on advancing Intelligent Infrastructure, autonomy, and AI at the edge. Autonomy Institute aligns government, industry, academia, and the public to create the policies, industry, jobs, and community benefits of autonomy.

14th Amendment: Birthright Citizenship or Freedom from Slavery? – by Dianna Greenwood

“Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”

Birthright citizenship or anchor babies have been in the news for many years now, causing a multitude of controversy because we know that there are pregnant women crossing the border to have their children in the United States and therefore claim residency. This has been fueled by a lack of enforcement of our immigration laws and by the Democrat Party who are courting voters to turn our constitutional republic into a pure democracy.

The use of the 14th amendment to establish birthright citizenship for the babies of illegal immigrants is a misuse of an amendment that was passed as part of the Reconstruction Amendments that directly affected Black Americans after the end of the Civil War. Historically speaking the Reconstruction Amendments consist of the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments to the U.S. Constitution. The 13th amendment ended slavery in the US but was riddled with problems such as enabling criminal punishments of involuntary servitude and the establishment of black codes because of its ambiguous wording.[1] Thus the 14th amendment was introduced to counter the problems arising from the 13th amendment.

In its entirety, the 14th amendment compromises five sections and more words than any other amendment. It was conceived by John Bingham of Ohio who believed that Reconstruction should place “limitations upon the States in favor of the personal liberty of all citizens of the Republic.”[2] His initial proposals in February of 1866 were considered to be too sweeping and would not be implemented. This would result in the first Civil Rights Act dubbed the Civil Rights Act of 1866. Later, they returned to the idea of a constitutional amendment when President Johnson vetoed the Civil Rights Act. The Congressional record at the time showed the first section caused rigorous debate much like today and the other sections of the amendment are direct answers to confederacy issues such as repayment of debt, eliminating the 3/5th clause, leadership until the 5th section which deals with the assertion of congressional enforcement power.

Our concern in this paper is Section One and whether or not it grants automatic citizenship to children born to illegal aliens. First, we need to look at the original intention of the amendment writers. Their intention was to ensure that black citizens who were born in this country prior to its enactment were citizens now rather than slaves. The intent of the first sentence is to overturn the horrendous Dred Scott Decision of 1857 which stated that Black slaves were not eligible for citizenship even though they were born in the several states. The amendment continues on to say “and are subject to the jurisdiction there of” would also be citizens of the United States. Prior to the implementation of the Constitution citizens of one state were aliens in another state as each state (colony) at the time had a sovereign right to establish their own laws. Upon the ratification of the Constitution, this changed and “the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.” Thereby making each citizen of a state also a citizen of the United States at large and naturalization in each state unnecessary.

This intent of creating citizenship for former black slaves is further stated by Senator Howard in his speech introducing the 14th amendment to the 39th Congress. He specifically states “This abolishes all class legislation in the states and does away with the injustice of subjecting one caste of persons to a code not applicable to another. It prohibits the hanging of a black man for a crime which the white man is not to be hanged. It protects the black man in his fundamental right as a citizen with the same shield which it throws over the white man.”[3] He and others who were proponents of the amendment were specifically talking about the injustices that had been faced by the black man (peoples) since the end of the Civil War. Therefore, it ended the practice of denying citizenship, as laid out by the Dred Scott Decision of 1857, on ethnicity. As such it had nothing to do with immigration and conferring citizenship upon the offspring of those who illegally entered this country. But instead, it was intended to grant citizenship to Black Americans who had been born in this country prior to 1866.

Now there will be people who argue against this and will use other sections of Senator Howard’s speech to prove they meant to apply it to everyone under every circumstance. Such as when he states, “It will, if adopted by the states, forever disable every one of them from passing laws trenching upon those fundamental rights and privileges which pertain to citizens of the United States, and to all persons who may happen to be within their jurisdiction.”[4] Again we are injecting modern beliefs rather than looking at what they meant  and the circumstances at the time of the amendment’s introduction. But more specifically the writers of the amendment use the word “citizen” to describe who is protected under our laws and Constitution. So, the question becomes can a child born of illegal aliens be a citizen when the parents are not subject to the jurisdiction of the country? The 14th amendment doesn’t address that, and it was never intended to address that issue so it should not be used as justification for granting citizenship to children born in this country to illegal aliens who have broken our laws to live here. Let me make this clear least someone accuse this writer of racism due to the large influx of illegals and anchor babies who are Hispanic – this opinion is colorblind. The use of the 14th amendment to justify granting citizenship to the children of any illegal alien regardless of race, creed, color, religion, or ethnicity is wrong and counter to the intent of the 14th amendment.

The debate over the 14th amendment is a prime example of why Civics and historically accurate history should be taught in schools across this nation.

[1] Constitutional Amendments – Amendment 14 – “Citizenship, Equal Protection, Apportionment, and War Debts” | Ronald Reagan

[2] The 14th Amendment: A “Mini-Constitution” | Teaching American History

[3] Speech Introducing the Fourteenth Amendment | Teaching American History

[4] Speech Introducing the Fourteenth Amendment | Teaching American History

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